滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·温良学者 正义卫士(一)
·Has Xi Jinping Changed China? Not Really
·訪滕彪律師談中共政權對於全世界民主自由人權發展的負面影響
·中共绑架中国
·美国务院发布人权报告 点名批评中国等八国
·滕彪,温良学者 正义卫士(二)——发出不同的声音
·鸿茅药酒:中共制度之毒
·on televised confessions
·滕彪,温良学者 正义卫士(三)——挑战恶法 虽败犹荣
·温良学者 正义卫士(四)——铁骨也柔情
·温良学者 正义卫士(五)——黑暗中的闪电
·美两党议员推法案 要求调查中共渗透/NTD
·Video【Teng Biao: From 1989 to 1984】
·第二届藏港台圆桌会 中国律师表态支持自决权
·自由民主與自決權:第二屆藏港台圓桌會議
·Exiled in the U.S., a Lawyer Warns of ‘China’s Long Arm’
·端传媒滕彪专访:一个曾经的依法维权者,怎么看今日中国?
·VOA:川金会上 人权问题真的被忽略了吗?
·“中国的长臂”:滕彪审视西方机构对华自我审查
·中国长臂迫使西方机构公司自我审查/RFA
·美退出人权理事会 滕彪呼吁应将人权与经贸利益挂钩
·“中国政治转变的可能前景”研讨会纪要
·滕彪:川普退出人权理事会是为人权?西藏、新疆民族自决
· The Second China human rights lawyers day
·第二届“中国人权律师节”将于7月8日在纽约举行
·【video】A message from a Chinese human rights lawyer
·【RFA中国热评】美中贸易战、 “七五”、“709案”
·回顾709案:中国迫害律师的第三波高潮
·中国人权律师节力赞人权律师的意义
·高智晟、王全璋获颁首届中国人权律师奖
·Chinese rights lawyers and international support
·高智晟王全璋纽约获人权律师奖 亲友代领
·709大抓捕三周年 境内外纷有声援行动/RFA
·Forced disappearances
·光荣的荆棘路——第二届中国人权律师节开幕短片(Openning film on the Sec
·用法律抗争与对法律宣战
·「709大抓捕」並非偶然…
·An Editor Speaks Out: Teng Biao, Darkness Before Dawn, and ABA
·中國假疫苗事件能夠杜絕?
·当局不解决人们提出的问题,而是〝解决〞提出问题的人们
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·The legal system is a battleground, and there’s no turning back
·A Call for a UN Investigation, and US Sanctions, on the Human Rights D
·关注新疆维吾尔自治区人权灾难的呼吁书
·警察街头扫描手机内容 新疆式维稳监控扩散
·The banned religious group that has China worried
·人间蒸发 强制失踪受害者日 家属焦急寻人
·中国留学生都是“007”?
·忧末日恐慌蔓延,中国围剿全能神教
·An Open Letter on Ilham Tohti’s Life
·关于伊力哈木生命致多国政府和欧盟理事会的公开信
·918 RESIST Xi Jinping
·公安部拟新规“维护”警察权威
·The United Nations, China, and Human Rights
·司法部整顿律师业:统统姓党
·美中媒体战?中国在美两大官媒被要求登记为外国代理
· Alphabet City Q&A with Teng Biao
·The Xinjiang Initiative
·无权者也是有力量的/RFA
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·China’s global challenge to democratic freedom
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·失踪的范冰冰与高智晟
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·「千人计划」再受挫折 美籍华人学者涉儿童色情罪案及间谍活动
·"Vous pouvez facilement devenir fou"
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·【纪录片】:退无可退
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·“合法化”集中营(滕彪)
·新西兰政治献金丑闻 中共渗透引关注
·中共治疆与恐怖主义、分裂主义、极端主义
·CCP’s involvement in higher education and on university campuses -
·新疆181座集中营 批量采购手铐电棍
·纪录片《对话》
·中共制造民族分裂 尊重维吾尔人民族自决权
·欲盖弥彰的暴行
·China Builds More Prisons in Xinjiang/RFA
· China’s global challenge to democratic freedom
·Global Information and Democracy Commission
·MEMBERS OF THE INFORMATION AND DEMOCRACY COMMISSION
·记者无国界发起【全球信息与民主委员会】
·International Declaration on Information and Democracy
·Global communication and information space: a common good of humankind
·UN review is critical chance for countries to change China's narrative
·联合国人权机制对中国有效吗?
·China’s ‘Perfect Dictatorship’ and Its Impact
·中共否认普世人权价值 外界吁警惕
·【中国热评】习思想“指导”人权道路?
·中国医疗专家因涉嫌参与非法活摘 被拒参加国际会议
·新疆集中營與高科技極權主義
·共产党是国民党的猪队友
·海外學者觀選:台灣人有自己的國家制度
·剖析中共特務郭文貴
·蓝天绿地之间的红色幽灵
·憂間諜活動 美擬加強對中國留學生背景調查
·華為掌門女兒孟晚舟加國被捕 被指違美國對伊朗制裁令
·2007年法国人权奖
·Person of the Week
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Nearly 30 years after Tiananmen, China has tightened control

   Nearly 30 years after Tiananmen, China has tightened control
   
    https://www.ft.com/content/0bdbeff6-64a7-11e8-90c2-9563a0613e56
   
   


   Emily Feng
   in Beijing JUNE 3, 2018
   
   
   At Beijing’s prestigious Peking University is a long, unassuming stretch of freestanding information boards that has become one of the most heavily monitored areas on campus. At least five security cameras are trained on the boards and a security guard sits opposite keeping watch.
   
   The intensity of surveillance in this quiet corner of the campus is a reminder of how little has changed in the 29 years since the democracy protests in Tiananmen Square that ended with the death of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of protesters in Beijing.
   
   The boards became a beacon for those seeking greater democracy during that time when students hung “big character” posters demanding political change. This year, they became the venue for new protests when feminist activists stuck posters of their own over the signboards to protest against decades of university inaction on alleged sexual assault cases. Their action prompted the installation of two extra security cameras.
   
   After confronting what it considered an existential threat to its rule, China’s ruling Communist party has spent the intervening decades cementing near absolute control over all aspects of governance. 
   
   “We are even farther from democracy today than we were in 1989,” said Teng Biao, a prominent Chinese rights lawyer in exile. “That a nonviolent democratic movement was suppressed by tanks and guns and ended in a tragic massacre had big influence on the economy and markets, but the political system did not develop in tandem.” 
   
   
   Protest posters calling for action on historical assault cases at Peking University were quickly removed by authorities but circulated on social media
   Since Xi Jinping rose to power in 2012, China has arrested and tried hundreds of human rights lawyers while detaining hundreds of thousands of the Muslim Uighur ethnic group in the western region of Xinjiang. In March, China removed presidential term limits, allowing President Xi, who jointly rules as Communist party secretary, to remain head of state for life if he so chooses. 
   
   “The intelligentsia are more useless than ever. Many of my friends had hopes that the nature of the [Communist] party would evolve over time, but that hope is gone now,” said a writer and artist who attended a secret service commemorating dissident writer Liu Xiaobo last year. The poet Liu Xia, Mr Liu’s wife, has been under house arrest since her husband’s death, despite repeated calls from foreign diplomats to grant her political asylum abroad. 
   
   Others say they would have left China altogether, having endured decades of political repression, if it were not for their love for their homeland. 
   
   “I was only one year away from qualifying for a green card but decided to let my [American] visa expire at the last minute,” said the owner of a Beijing art gallery, whose landowning family was persecuted when the Communist party came to power in 1949. “It was one of the hardest decisions I have made but China is my country.” 
   
   Party control has been particularly strong at Beijing’s top universities, from which the party’s top leaders are selected. Peking University, historically a hotbed of political debate and activism, is now one of the most closely scrutinised institutions in the country, as the party clamps down on educational institutions. 
   
   
   A lone Chinese man stands in front of a column of tanks in Beijing on June 5, one day after the massacre © AP
   “Long deemed as the most liberal public space in Chinese society, the political retrogression on college campuses is the very epitome of China in the post-Tiananmen era,” said an organiser, who is studying abroad, behind the #NotMyPresident campaign that started as a protest against China’s decision to remove the presidential term limit. Unable to publicly express their political views at home, the Chinese students behind the campaign have hung up posters disavowing President Xi at thirty campuses around the world. 
   
   They have chosen to remain anonymous because they fear reprisals against themselves and their families back in mainland China, and say they are the victims of daily cyber attacks intended to ferret out their identities and those communicating with them: “We no longer have any meaningful political discussion on [Chinese] campuses. Each word we say online is under careful scrutiny, by ourselves and censors.” 
   
   The ever-higher personal cost of speaking out in mainland China has made grassroots activism all but impossible, even on issues with wide public support. In April, for example, Yue Xin, one of the student activists calling for Peking University to disclose information on historical sexual assault cases, was removed from campus and placed under house arrest. Attempts to contact her for this article were unsuccessful.
   
   Chinese activists at home and abroad say they have not given up but are girding themselves for a long stretch of even harder times ahead. Said the student behind the #NotMyPresident campaign: “Thirty years after the man stepped in front of the long stream of tanks, we still find ourselves in a difficult situation.”
(2018/12/18 发表)
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