滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·How the Tiananmen Square Massacre Changed China Forever
·Human Rights Lawyer Fled China But Still Feels Its Influence
·HOW HAS CHINA CHANGED POLITICALLY SINCE THE ICONIC STUDENT PROTESTS?
·六四30周年 陸民運人士盼世界助中國民主化
·貿易掛鉤中國人權 西方提聯合戰略
·蔡英文總統會見華人民主書院訪賓
·習近平体制は史上初のハイテク・ファシズム
·Remembering Tiananmen/Straits Times
·自由不是一個禮物,而是一個任務
·世界における民主主義の後退と市民社会
·中國流亡律師滕彪勉「反送中」別退卻
·中國當局拒延維權律師的執照/BBC
·打到中共要害 各國應效仿
·‘I cannot be silent, and I cannot give up’
·China’s Privileging of “Mr. Science” over “Mr. Democracy”
·Don’t Aid and Abet China’s Surveillance State
·在台北616“反送中”集會上的演講
·湖南“校园操场埋尸案”揭示了什么?
·TIBET CAMPAIGNERS LAUD SUCCESS AFTER GOOGLE CONFIRMS: “NO PLANS TO OF
·Teng Biao’s Statement at a media briefing against Google’s Project D
·香港「一國兩制」為何變了調?
·从天安门到香港
·short-term benefits vs. universal values
·Censorship is closing China's young minds
·江天勇李文足連線台北 感謝關注中國律師處境
·臺律師人權界聲援為法輪功辯護六律師
·「綏靖政策」與「惠台政策」的反思
·第三屆中國人權律師節 唐荊陵獲獎
·第二届中国人权律师奖颁奖辞
·「709事件」四週年 中國法治嚴重滑坡
·709四周年:中国法治恶化 香港反弹
· 709大抓捕对维权律师是一个“清洗”
·"Alle sind vorsichtiger geworden"
·中共用校園“七不講”窒息年輕人
·【30張影像、30個故事 — 六四30週年座談會】
·中共的网络主权论与世界人权宣言
·中共指使黑帮祸害香港
·外國企業在中國助紂為虐應充分重視
·新疆模式扩大 粤公安采集「口水样本」 监控时代 2.0来临
·Guangdong Police Take Saliva Samples Amid Fears of Nationwide DNA Prog
·人权活动家接受自由之家采访 见证法轮功反迫害20年历程
·香港下一步 可能從打人變成打死人
·追寻高智晟
·“The Bravest Lawyer in China” – Gao Zhisheng
·L’AVOCAT LE PLUS COURAGEUX DE CHINE
·人權律師建議 以2022北京冬奧向中共施壓
·反送中與六四
·大陆网军抹黑香港示威者 推特和脸书暂停大量中国帐号
·"Ce totalitarisme high tech est sans précédent"
·Disparitions forcées en Chine : un système rodé et institutionnalis
·Disappearing in China
·中共或採取化整為零的屠殺方式嚇退香港抗爭者
·Cambridge Forum 911
· ‘I thought they might kill me’
·China: Arrests, Disappearances Require International Response/HRW
·报道香港抗议持「中共立场」 中国环球电视网遭英监管机构调查
·"El régimen dictatorial de China no durará mucho más"
·The West needs 'collective action' to push China on human rights: expe
·在茉莉花电视谈 “中国国难与香港抗争”
·禁蒙面法会不会让暴力升级?“一国一制”正在悄然实行?
·香港危局破解 中国高科技极权主义
·Decoding the cracks in the Chinese model
·大陆民族情绪泛滥 《灌篮高手》作者挺港运遭网民封杀/RFA
·中共有关香港抗议的宣传战略及局限
·国庆还是国难
·關於香港事態的緊急聲明
·香港运动延烧 大陆人发声为何那么难?
·Newts World: China's rule
·伊力哈木 - 无法祝贺的生日与萨哈罗夫奖
·Tiananmen Massacre, the China Model and the formation of China’s Hig
·茉莉:专制下的“黑色花卉”
·比利时一孔子学院院长涉间谍行为 被禁进入比利时和申根区
·Broken Harmony: China’s Dissidents
·香港廢青與中國小粉紅
·柏林墙的倒塌与“信息柏林墙”的建立
·Panopticism with Chinese Characteristics
·当今中国禁忌话题:猪瘟、猪头、习近平领导能力/VOA
·哥大取消中国人权研讨会
·FREE SPEECH IN AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES UNDER ATTACK FROM BEIJING
·懼於中國「粉紅軍團」威脅抗議 哥倫比亞大學取消講座
·Columbia U. cancels panel on Communist China’s human rights violation
·Columbia U. Canceled an Event on Chinese Human-Rights Violations. Orga
·人大怒斥香港高院 司法还能独立吗?/VOA
·Why did Columbia cancel Chinese rights violations event?
·The Pros and Cons of US Universities Operating Campuses and Centers in
·中国打组合拳反制美国 美国NGO躺枪
·美国大学生指控「抖音」海外版 窃取用户数据并传回中国
·国际人权日:不放弃的香港青年示威者
· Ilham Tohti's Sakhrov Prize 2019
· 中共为什么要举办世界律师大会
·“世界律师大会”:对法律与人权的嘲讽
·台湾大选是对中国政府的公投?
·瑞典国会议员要求将中国驻瑞典大使桂从友驱逐出境
·A New Online Game Allows Players to Attack Hong Kong’s Protestors
·花千芳为母维权引群嘲 中共养老金无底洞再聚焦
·大陆被指干预「台湾总统大选」 背后支持台商投票「机票补贴」
·桂从友大使又口舌招尤  瑞典再掀驱逐浪潮
·中國海外人士觀選團來台 爆拜訪韓國瑜陣營被拒絕
·民主已深入生活 憂兩岸敵意變深
·中國維權運動這條路 三博士三款命
·“假孔子之名”放映 高市议员正视红色渗透
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No country for academics: Chinese crackdown forces intellectuals abroa

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/may/24/academics-china-crackdown-forces-intellectuals-abroad
   
   Tom Phillips in Beijing and Ed Pilkington in New York
   
   As Chinese activist and scholar Teng Biao sat at home on the east coast of America, more than 13,000km (8,000 miles) away his wife and nine-year-old daughter were preparing to embark on the most dangerous journey of their lives.

   
   “My wife didn’t tell my daughter what was going on,” said Teng, who had himself fled China seven months earlier to escape the most severe period of political repression since the days following the Tiananmen massacre in 1989.
   
   “She said it was going to be a special holiday. She told her they were going on an adventure.”
   
   One year after their dramatic escape through southeast Asia, Teng’s family has been reunited in New Jersey and is part of a fast-growing community of exiled activists and academics who feel there is no longer a place for them in Xi Jinping’s increasingly repressive China.
   
   Jerry Cohen, a veteran China expert who has offered help to many of the new arrivals, said he had seen a significant spike in the number of Chinese scholars such as Teng seeking refuge in the US last year.
   
   Until about 12 months ago China’s top universities “remained islands of relative freedom”, said Cohen, who has studied the Asian country for nearly six decades.
   
   “[Now] I think there is much more attention to what you teach, what materials you use, what you say in class, what you can write and publish, whom you can contact, where you get your support. I think a lot of people are just getting disillusioned and feel at least for a few years they’d better ride out the Xi Jinping storm [overseas].”
   
    President Xi Jinping has been accused of overseeing an unprecedented crackdown designed to silence opposition to the Communist party.
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    President Xi Jinping has been accused of overseeing an unprecedented crackdown designed to silence opposition to the Communist party. Photograph: Anna Isakova/TASS
   Cohen likened the influx of intellectuals – mostly political scientists or international relations and law experts who have sought permanent or temporary positions at US universities – to previous waves of refugee scholars who fled the Nazis during the 1930s and 40s, and China following the Tiananmen crackdown.
   
   The most famous was Albert Einstein, who moved to Princeton in October 1932 and campaigned to help other Jewish refugees secure asylum.
   
   “It is not as dramatic as the refugees from Hitler; not as dramatic as the enormous number who turned up [after Tiananmen] and we had to deal with,” Cohen said. “But it is growing and I am seeing them.”
   
   Carl Minzner, an expert in Chinese law and politics at Fordham University in New York, said he had also noticed an increase in Chinese academics “strategically opting to have one foot out of the door” by relocating to the US.
   
   “You are a small ship that is being tossed in the storm and everybody is looking for their safe harbour,” he said.
   
   When Xi came to power in November 2012, some observers hoped his 10-year reign might usher in a period of political and economic reform. They pointed to Xi’s father, the reform-minded party elder Xi Zhongxun, as evidence of the liberal tendencies of China’s incoming leader.
   
   Instead Xi’s ascent marked the start of what many observers now call an unprecedented crackdown designed to silence opposition to the Communist party ahead of a painful economic slump.
   
   Activists, journalists, bloggers, feminists, labour campaigners, religious leaders and rights lawyers have been interrogated, harassed or even disappeared and jailed. Liberal academics have also come under increasing pressure.
   
    Since arriving in the US Teng Biao has remained active on Twitter and kept in touch with a global network of human rights lawyers, officials, politicians and campaigners.
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    Since arriving in the US Teng Biao has remained active on Twitter and kept in touch with a global network of human rights lawyers, officials, politicians and campaigners. Photograph: Sean Gallup/Getty Images
   Despite the fact that Xi’s own daughter studied at Harvard University, a series of Communist party decrees have ordered a purge of hostile western liberal ideas such as democracy and rule-of-law from Chinese campuses.
   
   In a recent interview with the New York Review of Books, the head of one prominent thinktank said the situation had become intolerable. “As a liberal, I no longer feel I have a future in China,” said the academic, who is in the process of moving abroad.
   
   Teng, 42 and a former lecturer at Beijing’s University of Politics and Law, said Xi’s rise to power had been a turning point.
   
   “Things got worse rapidly after Xi came in,” he said, speaking in his office in New York University, where he is now a researcher. “President Xi lowered the threshold for imprisoning people, and adopted a zero tolerance policy on human rights.”
   
   As one of China’s most prominent civil rights lawyers Teng found himself at the eye of the storm. He was one of the founding members of the New Citizens’ Movement – a now defunct civil rights coalition wiped out by security services after Xi came to power – and, even before Xi’s rise, faced repeated spells of house arrest and surveillance.
   
   In September 2014, as Beijing’s crackdown deepened, he decided to abandon China, flying out of Hong Kong with his youngest daughter to take a position at Harvard University through its Scholars At Risk program.
   
   “I felt that the space of civil society had become so limited I had to leave,” said Teng, a graduate of the prestigious Peking University.
   
   Many of the Chinese academics now rolling up on American shores prefer to keep a low profile to avoid attracting unwelcome attention from Chinese secret police.
   
   
   'Not fit to lead': letter attacking Xi Jinping sparks witch-hunt in Beijing
    Read more
   “A lot of these people are not overt defectors,” said Cohen. “They are just people who are wisely adjusting their behaviour to a future that is ever more uncertain.”
   
   But Teng has refused to go quietly.
   
   Since touching down in the US he has remained as active as ever, posting on Twitter and other social media and keeping in touch digitally with a global network of human rights lawyers, officials, politicians and international campaigners. On Wednesday he will appear at a session of the Conservative party human rights commission in London for the launch of a report about the deteriorating situation under Xi.
   
   Recently Teng has also been hyperactively disseminating material from the Panama Papers in an attempt to try and pierce the Chinese government’s severe censorship of documents revealing that relatives of some of the top leaders had been hiding wealth in secretive offshore companies.
   
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   “We’ve tried to spread the information on WeChat and Twitter. They delete the posts, but we then re-post it. Even though the censorship is very strict we can play this cat and mouse game, and then some Chinese people will know about this and the authority of Xi Jinping and the top leaders and their family members will be impacted.”
   
   The life of an exile does not come without a cost.
   
   Teng, originally from Jilin province in northeast China, says he misses his family and friends back home, “but mostly I miss the feeling I had when fighting for freedom and human rights together with my fellow lawyers and defenders. It was both interesting and meaningful. We knew it was risky, we knew we could be put into prison or have other trouble, but all of us thought it was worth trying to do something to push forward with the law and freedom in China.”
   
   He said he also suffers from what he called “survivor’s guilt”: “So many lawyers, many of them my close friends, are in prison and in detention. I am free, so I feel I have a special obligation to speak for them.”
   
   Cohen said he sensed great sorrow among many of the uprooted academics he met.
   
   “They don’t want to leave. They were playing important roles in their universities or their law schools or whatever,” he said. “Of course if they end up getting a professorship at Columbia or Singapore they have to see the virtue of that – they have children to take care of.

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