滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·美退出人权理事会 滕彪呼吁应将人权与经贸利益挂钩
·“中国政治转变的可能前景”研讨会纪要
·滕彪:川普退出人权理事会是为人权?西藏、新疆民族自决
· The Second China human rights lawyers day
·第二届“中国人权律师节”将于7月8日在纽约举行
·【video】A message from a Chinese human rights lawyer
·【RFA中国热评】美中贸易战、 “七五”、“709案”
·回顾709案:中国迫害律师的第三波高潮
·中国人权律师节力赞人权律师的意义
·高智晟、王全璋获颁首届中国人权律师奖
·Chinese rights lawyers and international support
·高智晟王全璋纽约获人权律师奖 亲友代领
·709大抓捕三周年 境内外纷有声援行动/RFA
·Forced disappearances
·光荣的荆棘路——第二届中国人权律师节开幕短片(Openning film on the Sec
·用法律抗争与对法律宣战
·「709大抓捕」並非偶然…
·An Editor Speaks Out: Teng Biao, Darkness Before Dawn, and ABA
·中國假疫苗事件能夠杜絕?
·当局不解决人们提出的问题,而是〝解决〞提出问题的人们
·疫苗之殇还是贼喊捉贼/RFA
·The legal system is a battleground, and there’s no turning back
·A Call for a UN Investigation, and US Sanctions, on the Human Rights D
·关注新疆维吾尔自治区人权灾难的呼吁书
·警察街头扫描手机内容 新疆式维稳监控扩散
·The banned religious group that has China worried
·人间蒸发 强制失踪受害者日 家属焦急寻人
·中国留学生都是“007”?
·忧末日恐慌蔓延,中国围剿全能神教
·An Open Letter on Ilham Tohti’s Life
·关于伊力哈木生命致多国政府和欧盟理事会的公开信
·918 RESIST Xi Jinping
·公安部拟新规“维护”警察权威
·The United Nations, China, and Human Rights
·司法部整顿律师业:统统姓党
·美中媒体战?中国在美两大官媒被要求登记为外国代理
· Alphabet City Q&A with Teng Biao
·The Xinjiang Initiative
·无权者也是有力量的/RFA
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·China’s global challenge to democratic freedom
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·失踪的范冰冰与高智晟
·Chinese clients of New York ‘asylum mill’ lawyers face deportation t
·「千人计划」再受挫折 美籍华人学者涉儿童色情罪案及间谍活动
·"Vous pouvez facilement devenir fou"
·【纪录片】赫索格的日子
·【纪录片】:退无可退
·你很容易就發瘋了/眾新聞
·“合法化”集中营(滕彪)
·新西兰政治献金丑闻 中共渗透引关注
·中共治疆与恐怖主义、分裂主义、极端主义
·CCP’s involvement in higher education and on university campuses -
·新疆181座集中营 批量采购手铐电棍
·纪录片《对话》
·中共制造民族分裂 尊重维吾尔人民族自决权
·欲盖弥彰的暴行
·China Builds More Prisons in Xinjiang/RFA
· China’s global challenge to democratic freedom
·Global Information and Democracy Commission
·MEMBERS OF THE INFORMATION AND DEMOCRACY COMMISSION
·记者无国界发起【全球信息与民主委员会】
·International Declaration on Information and Democracy
·Global communication and information space: a common good of humankind
·UN review is critical chance for countries to change China's narrative
·联合国人权机制对中国有效吗?
·China’s ‘Perfect Dictatorship’ and Its Impact
·中共否认普世人权价值 外界吁警惕
·【中国热评】习思想“指导”人权道路?
·中国医疗专家因涉嫌参与非法活摘 被拒参加国际会议
·新疆集中營與高科技極權主義
·共产党是国民党的猪队友
·海外學者觀選:台灣人有自己的國家制度
·剖析中共特務郭文貴
·蓝天绿地之间的红色幽灵
·憂間諜活動 美擬加強對中國留學生背景調查
·華為掌門女兒孟晚舟加國被捕 被指違美國對伊朗制裁令
·2007年法国人权奖
·Person of the Week
·广西维权律师建民间模拟法庭 力阻冤假错案
·RIGHTS GROUPS TURN UP PRESSURE ON GOOGLE OVER CHINA CENSORSHIP
·纪念零八宪章十周年研讨会-滕彪谈参与过程
·法律人士批中共新法要公民协助提供情报
·孟晚舟案:戴手铐违反人权?
·零八宪章十周年与改革开放四十年
·中国人权白皮书:仍强调“生存权”
·华为风暴中的人权与法律
·夢遊畫展 "Dream Wandering" Exhibition
·民運鬥士海波、滕彪 曼哈頓辦「夢游畫展」
·零八憲章十週年的回顧與意義
·中國古拉格/紀錄片
·声援佳士工人维权事件被抓捕的学生、热心公民及社会工作者联名信
·改革开放与经济奇迹的背后
·六四後北京加強監控 滕彪指現時離民主比1989年更遠
·Nearly 30 years after Tiananmen, China has tightened control
·紐約雅博國際藝術畫廊海波、滕彪博士《夢遊畫展》隆重開幕
·联国人权专家关注黄琦健康 维权人士斥无异慢性谋杀
·中国的完美独裁及其全球影响
·完美的獨裁:二十一世紀的中國
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中国律师的阴与阳/金融时报


   金融时报 Jamil Anderlini
   
   陶景洲和滕彪代表着中国司法体系的阴阳两极。两人都毕业于极具声望的北京大学法学院(Peking University law school),却走上了截然不同的职业道路,得到的回报也有天壤之别。
   

   陶景洲在美国众达律师事务所(Jones Day)豪华的北京办事处工作,是这家事务所的合伙人。1977年,他成为中国20年来的第一批法律系学生。“我们那时没有任何法律书籍,”他表示,“因为当时在中国几乎没有任何法律可言。”
   
   相比之下,滕彪从遍布刑事司法体系的暗纹中发掘出自己的职业定位——在这个体系中,律师经常要为当事人的政治罪行承担责任。
   
   农民出身的滕彪现年35岁,2002年毕业于北京大学,获得博士学位。从那以后,他成为知名律师,经常为那些被剥夺政治权利的人辩护。事实上,因为组织一群律师为3月拉萨暴乱后被捕的西藏抗议者提供辩护,滕彪今年6月被剥夺了律师执业资格。
   
   他若不是一直坚持原则,为被压制的民众辩护,滕彪很早以前就能加入中国新生的中产阶级行列——这个阶层需要一套法律体制,能够充分保护其财产和个人权利。
   
   中国的法律体制已经经历巨变。30年前,陶景洲的班上只有82名“敢为天下先”的法律学生,与之相比,今天全国600多所法律院校共有30万学生。
   
   但是,现行体制仍然无力应对日益增多的需求。过去5年间,中国法院审结案件近3200万起,其中超过三分之二是由公司或个人提出诉讼的民事或经济案件。
   
   在极权国家生活的现实,也为法律体制带来不确定性。
   < p>北京大学直言不讳的法学教授贺卫方表示,有权有势的人有很多机会干涉法律。
   
   “事实上,在中国不存在真正西方意义上的法律体制,”他宣称。
   
   现行法规的执行经常并不严格——如果你把中国完备的环境法与窗外的现实相比较,或是读到中国宪法保障所有公民享有宗教信仰自由、言论自由和结社自由,这一点就变得显而易见。
   
   在刑事案件和人们广泛关注的民事案件中,经常存在政治干涉;而在不那么重要的案件中,贿赂法官和公诉人则是常见的做法。
   
   “中国法律体制最大的问题是,政治与法律没有分立,”滕彪表示。“在现行体制下,不可能实现独立的司法权,因为法律被视作服务于党的工具。”
   
   每级法院之上都有一个特殊的共产党委员会——政法委,在“政治”案件中,政法委有权否决法院意见。在较小的地方,政法委书记经常由当地公安局局长担任,这使得法院在事实上成为公安部门的附属机构。
   
   陶景洲认为,与文化大革命的余波相比,这些问题都不严重——当时,他刚刚开始上大学。
   
   当他进入新设立的北京大学法学院时,这个学院的存在都是“国家机密”,只有家庭出身够“红”的孩子才能入学。他们的教授大多刚刚从农村或生产队回来。上世纪50年代后期,毛泽东发起残酷的反右运动,将知识分子送下乡,实质上终结了中国的法律专业。
   
   在法国学习法律并从业多年之后,陶景洲于上世纪90年代初回到国内,为那些在中国寻求投资机会的外国公司服务。如今,他们这一行业已相当繁荣。
   
   自他回国以后,法律界又经历了革命。上世纪80年代,多数法官都是来自公务员或军官队伍,从未学过法律。而根据中国政府在2005年发布的最新数据,当年,中国持有学士或以上学位的法官刚好超过半数;10年前,这个比例只有7%。
   
   滕彪的道路截然不同。他在北京市郊狭小的办公室里工作,勉强能够糊口,因为他为之辩护的都是中国的棘手人群——法轮功信徒、持不同政见者和未经国家批准的基督教会的组织者。中国政府要求律师每年进行执业证年检,并经常拒绝批准滕彪等“麻烦制造者”的年检登记。
   
   滕彪不仅是在拿自己的职业生涯冒险。今年3月,在中国“橡皮图章”性质的全国人大召开年度会议期间,他在大街上被人掳走,塞进一辆没有牌照的汽车,戴上头罩,送到一个不明地点。在那儿,他遭到审问和恐吓,两天后才被送回城里。
   
   偷袭他的人从未表明自己的身份,但滕彪怀疑他们是国家安全部门的人,因为他们曾多次威胁他,称如果他不停止撰写文章批评政府和法律体系,就把他关进监狱。
   
   但是,他没有胆怯。“我为工作付出了巨大代价,但这不足以让我放弃,”他表示。“我必须继续工作,因为愿意接手这些案件的律师太少了。”
   
   
   译者/何黎
   
   http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/abf9327c-58c9-11dd-a093-000077b07658.html
   
   July 23, 2008
   Rewards and risks of Chinese legal career
   
   By Jamil Anderlini in Beijing
   
   Tao Jingzhou and Teng Biao represent the yin and yang of China’s justice system. Both graduated from the prestigious Peking University law school, but they have followed very different career paths and been rewarded in very different ways.
   
   Mr Tao works out of the plush Beijing office of the American law firm Jones Day, where he is a partner. In 1977 he belonged to the first batch of Chinese law students in 20 years. “We didn’t have any law books,” he says, “because there were hardly any laws in China.”
   
   Mr Teng’s career, by contrast, has been scraped out of the dark cracks that pervade the criminal justice system, where lawyers are often held responsible for their clients’ political crimes. A 35-year-old from a peasant background, Mr Teng graduated in 2002 with a PhD from Peking University and has since become famous as a defender of the disenfranchised. He was in effect disbarred in June for organising a group of lawyers offering to defend Tibetan protesters arrested in the aftermath of March riots in Lhasa.
   
   Were it not for his principled defence of the downtrodden, Mr Teng would long ago have joined the ranks of China’s burgeoning middle classes, who are demanding a legal system that adequately protects their property and individual rights.
   
   That legal system has undergone vast changes. The 82 pioneer law students in Mr Tao’s class 30 years ago compare with 300,000 in more than 600 law schools today.
   
   But it remains ill-equipped to handle the increasing demands placed on it. In the last five years, Chinese courts ruled on nearly 32m cases, more than two-thirds of which were civil or economic cases brought by companies or individuals.
   
   The realities of living in a totalitarian state also lend uncertainty to the legal system. Opportunities abound for powerful individuals to intervene, says He Weifeng, an outspoken legal professor at Peking University.
   
   “Actually, there is no real legal system in the western sense in China,” he declares.
   
   Enforcement of existing legislation is often lax – something that becomes apparent when you compare China’s excellent environmental laws with the reality outside the window or read the country’s constitution, which guarantees all citizens freedom of religion, freedom of speech and freedom of political association.
   
   In criminal cases and high-profile civil cases, political interference is rife, while in smaller cases bribing judges and prosecutors is the norm.
   
   “The biggest problem with China’s legal system is that politics and the law are not separate,” says Mr Teng. “An independent judiciary is not possible under the current system because the law is regarded as a tool to serve the party.”
   
   Every court includes a special Communist party committee with the power to overrule it in “political” cases. In smaller towns it is often headed by the local police chief, in effect making the court a subsidiary of the police department.
   
   Mr Tao argues those problems are mild compared with the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution, when he began his studies. When he landed at the new Peking University law school its very existence was a “state secret” and only children with suitably “red” backgrounds could attend. Most of his professors were just back from the countryside or labour camps, where they were sent during Mao Zedong’s brutal anti-rightist campaign that virtually ended the legal profession in China in the late 1950s.
   
   After studying and practising law in France for many years, Mr Tao returned in the early 1990s to what is now a thriving practice working for international companies seeking to invest in China.
   
   Since his return the legal profession has undergone another revolution. In the 1980s most judges were former civil servants or military officers who had never studied the law. By 2005, the last time the government released figures, just over half of China’s judges held bachelor degrees or above, up from just 7 per cent a decade earlier.
   
   Mr Teng’s path remains very different. From his tiny office on the outskirts of Beijing, he barely makes a living defending China’s untouchables – Falun Gong practitioners, dissidents and organisers of non-state-approved Christian churches. The government requires lawyers to renew their practice licences annually and often refuses to renew them for “troublemakers” such as Mr Teng.
   
   He is not just risking his career. During the March annual meeting of China’s rubber-stamp parliament he was grabbed off the street, bundled into an unmarked car and hooded before being driven to an unknown location. There he was interrogated and threatened for two days before being returned to town. His assailants never identified themselves but Mr Teng suspects they were state security agents, as they repeatedly threatened to put him in prison if he continued to write articles criticising the government and legal system.

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