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·我来推推推(之九)
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·我来推推推(之十)
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·听从正义和良知的呼唤——在北京市司法局关于吊销唐吉田、刘巍律师证的听证会上的代理意见
·一个思想实验:关于中国政治
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·敦请最高人民检察院立即对重庆打黑运动中的刑讯逼供问题依法调查的公开信
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·“打死挖个坑埋了!”
·"A Hole to Bury You"
·谁来承担抵制恶法的责任——曹顺利被劳动教养案代理词
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·分裂的真相——关于钱云会案的对话
·无国界记者:对刘晓波诽谤者的回应
·有些人在法律面前更平等(英文)
·法律人与法治国家——在《改革内参》座谈会上的演讲
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·茉莉:友爱的滕彪和他的诗情
·萧瀚:致滕彪兄
·万延海:想起滕彪律师
·滕彪:被迫走上它途的文學小子/威廉姆斯
·中国两位律师获民主奖/美国之音
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·2011年十大法治事件(公盟版)
·Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Under Assault
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·吴英的生命和你我有关
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·【蔡卓华案】胡锦云被诉窝藏赃物罪的二审辩护词
·23岁青年被非法拘禁致死 亲属六年申请赔偿无果
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·华邮评论:支持中国说真话者的理由
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·这个时代最优异的死刑辩词/茉莉
·自救的力量
·不只是问问而已
·The use of Citizens Documentary in Chinese Civil Rights Movements
·行政强制法起草至今23年未通过
·Rights Defence Movement Online and Offline
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·财产公开,与虎谋皮
·Changing China through Mandarin
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·Teng Biao: Defense in the Second Trial of Xia Junfeng Case
·血拆危局/滕彪
·“中国专制体制依赖死刑的象征性”
·To Remember Is to Resist/Teng Biao
·Striking a blow for freedom
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(上)
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(下)
·达赖喇嘛与中国国内人士视频会面问答全文
·台灣法庭初體驗-專訪滕彪
·滕彪:中国政治需要死刑作伴
·一个反动分子的自白
·强烈要求释放丁红芬等公民、立即取缔黑监狱的呼吁书
·The Confessions of a Reactionary
·浦志强 滕彪: 王天成诉周叶中案代理词
·选择维权是一种必然/德国之声
·A courageous Chinese lawyer urges his country to follow its own laws
·警方建议起诉许志永,意见书似“公民范本”
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·滕彪访谈录:在“反动”的道路上越走越远
·因家暴杀夫被核准死刑 学界联名呼吁“刀下留人”
·川妇因反抗家暴面临死刑 各界紧急呼吁刀下留人
·Activist’s Death Questioned as U.N. Considers Chinese Rights Report
·Tales of an unjust justice
·打虎不是反腐
·What Is a “Legal Education Center” in China
·曹雅学:谁是许志永—— 与滕彪博士的访谈
·高层有人倒行逆施 民间却在不断成长
·让我们记住作恶的法官
·China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments
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short-term benefits vs. universal values

   Tiananmen: Teng Biao Responds
   by TENG BIAO
   
   
   In response to: China Since Tiananmen: Not a Dream but a Nightmare


   Beijing's Tiananmen Square (image: Ablakat / shutterstock.com)
   
   
   The international media has paid enormous attention to the 30th anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre. The main reason is that its influence is still there. The human rights situation is deteriorating, the Chinese Communist Party’s monopoly of power is strengthened, and China is leading all undemocratic governments in undermining the free international order.
   
   The international community was also shocked by the Hongkongers’ protest against the proposed extradition bill, which allows the Hong Kong government to detain and transfer anyone in Hong Kong to China, where the judicial system is no more than a Party machine and torture is rampant. A million Hongkongers, dressed in white, went out on June 9 and two million, in black, on June 16.
   
   The dangers to freedom in Hong Kong are the best evidence of Tiananmen’s long-lasting effects. In 1997, the sovereignty of Hong Kong was transferred from the United Kingdom, the first country in history to achieve a modern liberal democracy, to the CCP, which had brutally killed thousands just eight years earlier. The UK and the other Western democracies didn’t think twice about dooming Hong Kong.
   
   As Yvonne Chiu correctly said, “When the international community sacrifices its own values for the sake of regional and international stability and economic growth, it only tells the CCP that it need not cooperate or reform, as it already gets what it wants by pursuing its current course.” The assumptions, calculations, and values of the engagement/appeasement policy toward China adopted by the democratic countries since 1989, or even earlier, have been proven wrong. We might be seeing something of a policy shift in recent years in the United States, Australia, and a few others, but the mainstream scholars and policymakers are reluctant to admit their mistake and want to continue appeasing Beijing.
   
   What’s more, the new hawkish approach toward China is not based on human rights, freedom, and democracy. The issue of human rights, in the best case scenario, is used as a bargaining chip to achieve political or economic goals. Which means it can be thrown away at any time. Realpolitik and short-term benefits override universal values.
   
   The comparison that Michael Auslin drew between the Tiananmen Movement and the May Fourth Movement is inspirational. The historical aspects of his essay deepen our understanding of the 1989 Movement and repressive government response, and the current political trends in China. A tension between the themes of “Mr. Science” and “Mr. Democracy” is indeed woven throughout Chinese history in the past century (1919 to 2019).
   
   But a few comments should be added to the argument of “China’s Privileging of ‘Mr. Science’ over ‘Mr. Democracy.’ ”
   
   First: That which the government would privilege—scientific research—is thwarted when academic freedom, free speech, freedom of movement, and political participation are suppressed in China.
   
   Second: Science and technology were utilized by the CCP to strengthen the high-tech totalitarianism I described in my Liberty Forum essay. When science and technology stray from the universal values inhering in “Mr. Democracy,” it is terrifying. In addition to Artificial Intelligence, the Great Firewall of China, facial recognition software, and surveillance cameras, all of which empower an Orwellian state in China, another recent example might be DNA manipulation. (We note Professor He Jiankui’s proud claim to have achieved the world’s first genetically edited babies.)
   
   Lastly but most importantly, I would point to the CCP’s long history of anti-intellectualism, as seen in the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, the politicization of academic research (especially social science), the aforementioned GFC, Xi Jinping’s Document No. 9 and “the seven unmentionables,” the recent campaigns against Western textbooks, and the cult of personality (old and new versions). The CCP’s manipulation of historical truth is totally against the spirit of Mr. Science. A totalitarian regime seems to be anti-intellectual by its very nature, but the CCP’s vicious uses of science and technology is even more alarming.
(2019/07/03 发表)
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